HOW TO MAKE A LIBERTARIAN REVOLUTION
Hélio Rodrigues Pereira


All left movements have been presenting models of economical practice whose foundations are overcome easily by the theoretical argument of the Austrian and Chicago’s School[1] [2] [3]. Though, as strategy and tactics to reach the power, just the left movement has been overcoming the libertarian-conservative thinkers[4] [5] [6] [7] [8].

It’s task of this article to propose a theory of the power, a theory capable to present the road to drive the libertarian-conservative thinkers to the political victory without violating the most basic libertarian principles like being against the violence and fraud, moreover, that it can be rivaled in efficiency, with the Leninist’s and Gramscian’s methods of the communist movement[9] [10].

Thus formulated the problem of creating a strategy of power for the libertarian-conservative movement, the next point is how it should be this strategy of power, what requirements should have a strategy of conquering the political power for a movement based on the libertarian-conservative concerns.

Therefore, was established five main points:

1 - Coherence

The first important requirement for the libertarian revolution is not to violate the most basic principles of the liberty, in other words, to develop a general system of fight without it involves the violent and fraudulent ways of political combat that characterize the Leninism and Gramscism respectively.

2 - Advantage

The second important requirement for the libertarian revolution is know how to create advantage of his own principles against to the opposing movements. It must to know how recognize the strong elements, the potential advantages, and how to explore them to the maximum, and to obtain the largest possible earnings. The identification of an immanent advantage of the libertarian principles that it seek to defend will guarantee his exclusiveness as practice of the libertarian revolution, that cannot be repeated by their opponents' strategy without incurring in adoption of the principles that they want to combat. It is to create a dilemma in that the opponent will be forced to adopt the same tactics to equal the combative efficiency, and thus, being infiltrated by libertarian doctrine, or to accept the defeat in exchange for the orthodox purity then to be extinct.

3 - width

No one strategy to reach the power can be well done if it doesn't count with the support of influential entities in the political sphere. And this support means the church and the business community. For this to be possible it is necessary that the doctrinal basis is flexible to allow alliances with a wide spectrum of the society. It should be sustained on an order-word generic enough until to adjust with the most several longings of the most varied sections of the militancy and of the intellectual causes.

4 - Intellectuals appeal

A good strategy of ideological revolution should be attractive to the intellectuals. It should create tasks for intellectuals to accomplish, and thus, an occupation that puts the opinion makers in prominence. The professional thinkers need to believe, in the same way that it happens in the Marxism and in the Gramscism, that the process libertarian-conservative revolutionary will offer them advantageous positions in the society.

5 - Moral appeal

Finally a good strategy should possess moral appeal. It should evoke noble feelings capable to create public motivation, to facilitate the generation of advertising slogans that it makes possible the formation of a militancy involved in the defense of an ideal as beautiful as the “fight against the starvation”, the “campaign against the poverty”, or any ersatz of the leftist enthusiasm.

These five mentioned characteristics were not established in arbitrary way, at flavor of the imagination, but they just resulted of a study about the reasons of the communist movement has been so well succeeded. It is this study that should guide the formation of an efficient strategy. The inspiration in successful models, moreover, is an epistemological attitude that distinguishes us of the left, since this last one prefers to be guided by ideal models of abstract perfection.
This fundamental difference of epistemological orientation between left and right is one of the keys to supply the most general outlines of as it should be the theory of the power for the libertarian-conservative revolution. This difference epistemological is also the deepest reason that in the long run, the libertarian-conservatism is destined to win their enemies, just need to wake up of his torpor to exercise the full capacity of his potential asleep. The victory of the libertarian-conservatism is seated in his superior attitude for acquired knowledge. All that need be done is to move this advantageous situation for the domain of political combat and make of the leftist disinformation a weapon against themselves.
It is just because of the disinformation that the communist movement is “occupying” the cultural spaces, it is because of the disinformation that the communist movement is consolidating his hegemony and therefore it is the disinformation the main objective which the conservative-libertarian fight needs to invest against to obtain our enemies' destruction.
This way it is not a violence fight, of weapons, it is not a battle that should be fought physically, but intellectual and spiritually, leaving the physical confrontations for the republican institutions that represent the Democratic State of Right.
How such strategy should be? What should this mysterious strategy consist so, such that is capable to accomplish all the five foregoing requirements, and that would give to the movement liberal-conservative a victory chance against the leftist hegemony at least in the long run?
Then, to find out the answer, we will analyze the fundamental elements of the Austrian School. Let us take as example the Austrian Theory of the Trade Cycle. (to see http://www.mises.org/tradcycl/austcycl.asp).
Then let us make the question: What the central concept that guides the theory of the Austrian School to identify the causes of the crises and recession?
Answer: The flaw in preserving the integrity of the economical agents' information.
The lack of integrity of the information among the economical agents corresponds in the economy, the intellectual dishonesty among the cultural agents.
Then, if the solution in the economy it is to eliminate the communication flaws among its agents, eliminating or reducing the state intervention, and with this, its misdirected tendency in the vital information for the trade, for the production of goods and financial operations; the solution in the policy, following the same analysis standard, is to eliminate communication flaws among the cultural agents, also eliminating the ideological interventions and its misdirected tendency in the vital information for the studies and production of knowledge.
Only one attitude can allow us that, only one attitude that fulfills all formulated requirements to be a good strategy of power.
And this attitude, this strategy is:
The defense and promotion of the critical thought, in wide-scale, under the form of Critical Debate, in other words, the Debate guided by rules of critical thought that is capable to give at the end of the dispute, a clearly recognized winner.
The Critical Debate unifies two pillars concepts for the libertarian-conservative revolution that are the acceptance and the credibility.
The defense of the Critical Debate is coherent with the libertarian-conservative principles, because it means the demand of the intellectual honesty as basic foundation of the democracy, of the cultural activity and of the exercise of the right. To defend the Critical Debate is to defend the intellectual honesty in the political and cultural debates as supreme moral value, and to defend this value is to make possible to the road of the liberal revolution a higher level of acceptance than the popularization of the libertarian-conservatism could obtain. The campaign for the intellectual honesty and the critical thought as solution of the political and social problems as solution for all of the conflicts, would allow to obtain us an alliance with a larger group of entities, even those that not supporting the libertarian cause, will believe can win through the critical thought. The advertising appeal of a search for the ethics in the debates, ethics in the cultural events, and making to mean for such slogans the practice in an honest way of discussing, will can to bring to our side, entities like Opus Dei or even materialistic atheists[11].
The intellectual challenge involved in organizing, to criticize, to analyze and to develop modalities of rules to determine how an idea should win a debate will occupy the intellectuals and to do them inclined to support an activity that gives to them an ennobling sense. This sense can still be amplified, if during this campaign, there is identification with a School of Thought, a cultural innovation that makes all of them feel like being part of an original creative process that will give prestige to all the members, infusing them a vanity perspective to be in the vanguard of a revolutionary intellectual activity.
This whole process should be carried through without suspicion that it is serving to the libertarian-conservatism, it is necessary that it happens, during the beginning, without any obvious relation with the libertarian-conservative movement. The purpose of this phase, of this initial process, is to prepare the land; it is to bring an acceptance atmosphere that will extend the carpets for the libertarian revolution. It is the phase of the acceptance. Concluded the phase of the acceptance, extended the carpets inside of the universities, inside of the generating centers of culture, then the second phase will seize its assault objectives. It is when the libertarian and conservative thought, having bibliographical material, having a superior rhetoric and dialectics, will go to win each one of the structured debates, not in a way that the audience can objected, but in a way that confers its winners a credibility degree that never would have if it won any other debate without the recognition of a attentive witness.
In the same way that few people would object the value of who win wins a sporting competition, of who wins a game, the value of the ideas that win a debate structured by rules mutually accepted, will be recognized as never it would be in any another possible scene.
It is of this recognition that the libertarian-conservative movement should build his credibility and to capitalize it for his political profit.

However, to start this process, to make possible the start of the libertarian revolution it is necessary that two intellectual objectives are reached: 1) To present a model of structured debate, in other words, a model based on criteria to decide which opinion should prevail on other. 2) To develop a well succeeded proposal to transform the Critical Debate in a lucrative activity with the purpose of publishing yours practices as thoroughly as possible.
If these two intellectual objectives be conquered, then the Libertarian Conservative Revolution will have half of the victory. Though, such objectives represent a great challenge that would be worthy of being solved by a new work group, or a new thought school that puts the two subjects above as fundamental subjects for the economy and the politics, understanding the integrity of the cultural information as bearer of value and economical meaning.
Because it is not just necessary to be right, it is necessary that rules make this certainty become visible to the eyes of who witnesses the confrontation among the ideas.
And that is a political and economical problem.
I will discuss more about that in the next article.

[1] Mises, L., 1981 [1922], Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis, trans. J. Kahane, available online at http://www.econlib.org/library/Mises/msStoc.html.

[2] Mises, L., 1949, Human Action: A Treatise on Economics, available online at http://www.mises.org/humanaction.asp.

[3] Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen von, "The Positive Theory of Capital and Its Critics," Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 9, (January), 1895, pp. 113-131. look http://www.mises.org/content/bawerk.asp

[4] http://www.jrnyquist.com/carvalho_2002_1022.htm

[5] http://www.jrnyquist.com/taam_2003_0403.htm

[6] http://www.jrnyquist.com/guidalli.htm

[7] http://www.jrnyquist.com/taam_2003_1105.htm

[8] http://www.vcrisis.com/index.php?content=letters/200511210932


[9] Murray N. Rothbard (1926-1995) was dean of the Austrian School. This article is excerpted from the first chapter of For a New Liberty: The Libertarian Manifesto.
http://www.mises.org/story/2123

[10] http://www.jonathangullible.com/mmedia/PhilosophyOfLiberty-english_music.swf

[11] Smith Georg. How to Defend Atheism Atheism: The Case Against God (Buffalo, NY: Prometheus, 1980)

http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/george_smith/defending.html